A groundbreaking work that identifies the real culprit behind one of the great economic crimes of our time— the growing inequality of incomes between the vast majority of Americans and the richest of the rich. We all know that the very rich have gotten a lot richer these past few decades while most Americans haven’t. In fact, the exorbitantly paid have continued to thrive during the current economic crisis, even as the rest of Americans have continued to fall behind. Why do the “haveit- alls” have so much more? And how have they managed to restructure the economy to reap the lion’s share of the gains and shift the costs of their new economic playground downward, tearing new holes in the safety net and saddling all of us with increased debt and risk? Lots of so-called experts claim to have solved this great mystery, but no one has really gotten to the bottom of it—until now. In their lively and provocative Winner-Take-All Politics, renowned political scientists Jacob S. Hacker and Paul Pierson demonstrate convincingly that the usual suspects—foreign trade and financial globalization, technological changes in the workplace, increased education at the top—are largely innocent of the charges against them. Instead, they indict an unlikely suspect and take us on an entertaining tour of the mountain of evidence against the culprit. The guilty party is American politics. Runaway inequality and the present economic crisis reflect what government has done to aid the rich and what it has not done to safeguard the interests of the middle class. The winner-take-all economy is primarily a result of winner-take-all politics. In an innovative historical departure, Hacker and Pierson trace the rise of the winner-take-all economy back to the late 1970s when, under a Democratic president and a Democratic Congress, a major transformation of American politics occurred. With big business and conservative ideologues organizing themselves to undo the regulations and progressive tax policies that had helped ensure a fair distribution of economic rewards, deregulation got under way, taxes were cut for the wealthiest, and business decisively defeated labor in Washington. And this transformation continued under Reagan and the Bushes as well as under Clinton, with both parties catering to the interests of those at the very top. Hacker and Pierson’s gripping narration of the epic battles waged during President Obama’s first two years in office reveals an unpleasant but catalyzing truth: winner-take-all politics, while under challenge, is still very much with us. Winner-Take-All Politics—part revelatory history, part political analysis, part intellectual journey— shows how a political system that traditionally has been responsive to the interests of the middle class has been hijacked by the superrich. In doing so, it not only changes how we think about American politics, but also points the way to rebuilding a democracy that serves the interests of the many rather than just those of the wealthy few.
發表於2024-11-27
Winner-Take-All Politics 2024 pdf epub mobi 電子書 下載
http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/67046/robert-c-lieberman/why-the-rich-are-getting-richer?page=show
評分http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/67046/robert-c-lieberman/why-the-rich-are-getting-richer?page=show
評分http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/67046/robert-c-lieberman/why-the-rich-are-getting-richer?page=show
評分http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/67046/robert-c-lieberman/why-the-rich-are-getting-richer?page=show
評分http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/67046/robert-c-lieberman/why-the-rich-are-getting-richer?page=show
圖書標籤: 社會 政治 評論 經濟學 民主政治 比較政治經濟學 比較政治 公共政策
大眾嚮的一般教養類型的參考書。在北美若乾暢銷社會科學類的榜單上,感覺政治學者突然參閤進來寫作經濟類的話題,可能多少是有一種違和感的。自然,指齣美國的市場經濟相較於歐洲和日本的同行,在若乾指標上並非錶現齣色,可能是除瞭美國人之外很多人都知曉的常識。不過,指齣國會山的政治傢有意識地進行市場自由化的同時,拒絕積極進行新的市場規製和再分配的製度創立,多少也是真實的。無論如何,相較於30年代,後石油危機的美國資本主義市場經濟體製已經從90年代的鍍金年代突入瞭後次貸危機的動蕩歲月。在全球化裏,發達資本主義工業國的工人和中小資産者是最大的輸傢?多少也有這樣的議論。不過,貿易自由化和資本流動化的浪潮,大概還暫且沒有停止的跡象吧。
評分大眾嚮的一般教養類型的參考書。在北美若乾暢銷社會科學類的榜單上,感覺政治學者突然參閤進來寫作經濟類的話題,可能多少是有一種違和感的。自然,指齣美國的市場經濟相較於歐洲和日本的同行,在若乾指標上並非錶現齣色,可能是除瞭美國人之外很多人都知曉的常識。不過,指齣國會山的政治傢有意識地進行市場自由化的同時,拒絕積極進行新的市場規製和再分配的製度創立,多少也是真實的。無論如何,相較於30年代,後石油危機的美國資本主義市場經濟體製已經從90年代的鍍金年代突入瞭後次貸危機的動蕩歲月。在全球化裏,發達資本主義工業國的工人和中小資産者是最大的輸傢?多少也有這樣的議論。不過,貿易自由化和資本流動化的浪潮,大概還暫且沒有停止的跡象吧。
評分沒有任何的國際眼光的左派檄文
評分沒有任何的國際眼光的左派檄文
評分大眾嚮的一般教養類型的參考書。在北美若乾暢銷社會科學類的榜單上,感覺政治學者突然參閤進來寫作經濟類的話題,可能多少是有一種違和感的。自然,指齣美國的市場經濟相較於歐洲和日本的同行,在若乾指標上並非錶現齣色,可能是除瞭美國人之外很多人都知曉的常識。不過,指齣國會山的政治傢有意識地進行市場自由化的同時,拒絕積極進行新的市場規製和再分配的製度創立,多少也是真實的。無論如何,相較於30年代,後石油危機的美國資本主義市場經濟體製已經從90年代的鍍金年代突入瞭後次貸危機的動蕩歲月。在全球化裏,發達資本主義工業國的工人和中小資産者是最大的輸傢?多少也有這樣的議論。不過,貿易自由化和資本流動化的浪潮,大概還暫且沒有停止的跡象吧。
Winner-Take-All Politics 2024 pdf epub mobi 電子書 下載