Alexander Woodside is Professor of Chinese and Southeast Asian History, University of British Columbia.
In Lost Modernities Alexander Woodside offers a probing revisionist overview of the bureaucratic politics of preindustrial China, Vietnam, and Korea. He focuses on the political and administrative theory of the three mandarinates and their long experimentation with governments recruited in part through meritocratic civil service examinations remarkable for their transparent procedures.
The quest for merit-based bureaucracy stemmed from the idea that good politics could be established through the "development of people"--the training of people to be politically useful. Centuries before civil service examinations emerged in the Western world, these three Asian countries were basing bureaucratic advancement on examinations in addition to patronage. But the evolution of the mandarinates cannot be accommodated by our usual timetables of what is "modern." The history of China, Vietnam, and Korea suggests that the rationalization processes we think of as modern may occur independently of one another and separate from such landmarks as the growth of capitalism or the industrial revolution.
A sophisticated examination of Asian political traditions, both their achievements and the associated risks, this book removes modernity from a standard Eurocentric understanding and offers a unique new perspective on the transnational nature of Asian history and on global historical time.
A sophisticated examination of Asian political traditions, both their achievements and the associated risks, this book removes modernity from a standard Eurocentric understanding and offers a unique new perspective on the transnational nature of Asian histo...
评分A sophisticated examination of Asian political traditions, both their achievements and the associated risks, this book removes modernity from a standard Eurocentric understanding and offers a unique new perspective on the transnational nature of Asian histo...
评分A sophisticated examination of Asian political traditions, both their achievements and the associated risks, this book removes modernity from a standard Eurocentric understanding and offers a unique new perspective on the transnational nature of Asian histo...
评分A sophisticated examination of Asian political traditions, both their achievements and the associated risks, this book removes modernity from a standard Eurocentric understanding and offers a unique new perspective on the transnational nature of Asian histo...
评分A sophisticated examination of Asian political traditions, both their achievements and the associated risks, this book removes modernity from a standard Eurocentric understanding and offers a unique new perspective on the transnational nature of Asian histo...
貌似盛赞的人很多,但我不怎么喜欢……
评分以官僚制為切入點比較東亞文明圈(不包括科舉制度沒有持久存在的日本)和西方,提出東亞士人在制度設計和思考上要早熟得多。不過我最喜歡的地方是作者輕輕帶過的中韓越之間的差異,感覺他的主旨是假命題而已。缺點有四:沒有漢字詞彙表;概念含混,尤其多次出現的「封建」;任意肢解文獻,例如以盛清商業化以致士人不再提出均田的訴求並放諸整個中國歷史,無視晚明顧炎武黃宗羲的思考。以「大政府」解釋兩稅制的誕生更是匪異所思;莫名其妙的中西比較,例如王安石要比神聖羅馬帝國先進。一言以蔽之,作者前著Vietnam and the Chinese model選題恰到好處,捕捉到文獻語境以建構歷史。這個題目太宏大,以致迷失在觀點的海洋中,仿若杜大師贊奇。
评分假命題假命題假命題
评分以官僚制為切入點比較東亞文明圈(不包括科舉制度沒有持久存在的日本)和西方,提出東亞士人在制度設計和思考上要早熟得多。不過我最喜歡的地方是作者輕輕帶過的中韓越之間的差異,感覺他的主旨是假命題而已。缺點有四:沒有漢字詞彙表;概念含混,尤其多次出現的「封建」;任意肢解文獻,例如以盛清商業化以致士人不再提出均田的訴求並放諸整個中國歷史,無視晚明顧炎武黃宗羲的思考。以「大政府」解釋兩稅制的誕生更是匪異所思;莫名其妙的中西比較,例如王安石要比神聖羅馬帝國先進。一言以蔽之,作者前著Vietnam and the Chinese model選題恰到好處,捕捉到文獻語境以建構歷史。這個題目太宏大,以致迷失在觀點的海洋中,仿若杜大師贊奇。
评分总算上完这门清奇的课了。
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