The Prince

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Niccolò Machiavelli (born May 3, 1469, Florence-died June 21, 1527, Florence) Italian statesman, historian, and political theorist. He rose to power after the overthrow of Girolamo Savonarola, was appointed secretary and Second Chancellor to the Florentine Republic in 1498. Working as a diplomat for 14 years, he came in contact with the most powerful figures in Europe. He was dismissed when the Medici family returned to power in 1512, and during the next year he was arrested and tortured for conspiracy. Though soon released, he was not permitted to return to public office. His famous treatise The Prince (1513, published 1532) is a handbook for rulers; though dedicated to Lorenzo de' Medici, ruler of Florence from 1513, it failed to win Machiavelli his favour. Machiavelli viewed The Prince as an objective description of political reality. Because he viewed human nature as venal, grasping, and thoroughly self-serving, he suggested that ruthless cunning is appropriate to the conduct of government. Though admired for its incisive brilliance, the book also has been widely condemned as cynical and amoral, and “Machiavellian” has come to mean deceitful, unscrupulous, and manipulative. His other works include a set of discourses on Livy (completed c. 1518), the comedy The Mandrake (completed c. 1518), The Art of War (published 1521), and the Florentine Histories (completed c. 1525).

出版者:Penguin Classics
作者:Niccolo Machiavelli
出品人:
页数:144
译者:George Bull
出版时间:2003-2-4
价格:USD 8.00
装帧:Paperback
isbn号码:9780140449150
丛书系列:
图书标签:
  • 政治 
  • 权力 
  • Machiavelli 
  • 经典 
  • 哲学 
  • 历史 
  • 非虚构 
  • 英文 
  •  
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Rejecting the traditional values of political theory, Machiavelli drew upon his own experiences of office in the turbulent Florentine republic to write his celebrated treatise on statecraft. While Machiavelli was only one of the many Florentine "prophets of force," he differed from the ruling elite in recognizing the complexity and fluidity of political life.

Translated by George Bull

Introduction by Anthony Grafton

具体描述

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还没读完,就急不可待的想写一点感想。原谅我的随意。   也许是翻译的缘故,我觉得马基亚维利从头到尾似乎都是一个很矛盾的人,不敢肯定什么,同时也不敢轻易否定。   我欣赏他对王权的理解,他觉得政府如果作为一个维持统治的目的而存在,是可以利用一切所能考虑的...  

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学术与政治之间 从马基雅维里关于《君主论》的两封信说起 李华芳 学术和政治之间的关系是一个不简单的话题。有韦伯的名篇演讲和徐复观的名著在前,似乎没有多大讨论的必要。只是讨论马基雅维里在学术与政治之间的纠葛有点像金庸小说中的《广陵散》成绝响、曲洋却从东汉蔡邑墓...  

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对人们最好是加以爱抚,要不然就必须消灭掉。这是因为人们如果受到了轻微的侵害,仍有能力进行报复; 但是对于沉重的伤害,他们就无能为力了。因此,当我们对一个人进行侵害时,应该彻底、不留后患,不给他任何报复的机会。 如果一个君主占领上面所说的地区,它在语言、习惯和...  

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Some points are still not outdated to this day. Suggestions on internal affairs mostly consisted of maintaining the prince’s public images, while going in detail about wartime governance. At least he doesn’t encourage confiscating people’s property, even 16th century western political thought is more humanitarian than 中国◯◯党。

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可以视作手段服务目的的典型,在实际历史上却也不乏并不遵照马基雅维利这些规则的君主胜利或者持续了统治,比如美第奇家族。如果说他有一些大心的话,那可能是认为如此取得权力是在没有统一、派别过于散乱又有外敌入侵的最好方式,是达到一个共和国前手法伪善的必要过渡,但这层意思很隐含。从非实际角度来讲,它的方法建立于不先设任何对“美德”的理解并以此执行,而是按众民的弱点来设立规则、趋向力量与见风使舵。缺点显而易见,人不再跟随直觉的善而是目的的达成,但若这是为了可以达到共和国的发展阶段作出的牺牲,从历史时间的角度,人也只能客观看待。

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马基雅维里的<君主论>. 其实他写得很坦率的, 不像后来一些所谓的"马基雅维里主义者"那么虚伪,冷漠.

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得再看几遍

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可以视作手段服务目的的典型,在实际历史上却也不乏并不遵照马基雅维利这些规则的君主胜利或者持续了统治,比如美第奇家族。如果说他有一些大心的话,那可能是认为如此取得权力是在没有统一、派别过于散乱又有外敌入侵的最好方式,是达到一个共和国前手法伪善的必要过渡,但这层意思很隐含。从非实际角度来讲,它的方法建立于不先设任何对“美德”的理解并以此执行,而是按众民的弱点来设立规则、趋向力量与见风使舵。缺点显而易见,人不再跟随直觉的善而是目的的达成,但若这是为了可以达到共和国的发展阶段作出的牺牲,从历史时间的角度,人也只能客观看待。

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