Stephen Gerald Breyer (pronounced /ˈbraɪər/; born August 15, 1938) is an Associate Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court. Appointed by Democratic President Bill Clinton in 1994, and known for his pragmatic approach to constitutional law, Breyer is generally associated with the more liberal side of the Court.[1]
Following a clerkship with Supreme Court Associate Justice Arthur Goldberg in 1964, Breyer became well-known as a law professor and lecturer at Harvard Law School starting in 1967. There he specialized in the area of administrative law, writing a number of influential text books that remain in use today. He held other prominent positions before being nominated for the Supreme Court, including special assistant to the United States Assistant Attorney General for Antitrust, and assistant special prosecutor on the Watergate Special Prosecution Force in 1973.
In his 2005 book Active Liberty, Breyer made his first attempt to systematically lay out his views on legal theory, arguing that the judiciary should seek to resolve issues to encourage popular participation in governmental decisions.
The Supreme Court is one of the most extraordinary institutions in our system of government. Charged with the responsibility of interpreting the Constitution, the nine unelected justices of the Court have the awesome power to strike down laws enacted by our elected representatives. Why does the public accept the Court’s decisions as legitimate and follow them, even when those decisions are highly unpopular? What must the Court do to maintain the public’s faith? How can the Court help make our democracy work? These are the questions that Justice Stephen Breyer tackles in this groundbreaking book.
Today we assume that when the Court rules, the public will obey. But Breyer declares that we cannot take the public’s confidence in the Court for granted. He reminds us that at various moments in our history, the Court’s decisions were disobeyed or ignored. And through investigations of past cases, concerning the Cherokee Indians, slavery, and Brown v. Board of Education, he brilliantly captures the steps—and the missteps—the Court took on the road to establishing its legitimacy as the guardian of the Constitution.
Justice Breyer discusses what the Court must do going forward to maintain that public confidence and argues for interpreting the Constitution in a way that works in practice. He forcefully rejects competing approaches that look exclusively to the Constitution’s text or to the eighteenth-century views of the framers. Instead, he advocates a pragmatic approach that applies unchanging constitutional values to ever-changing circumstances—an approach that will best demonstrate to the public that the Constitution continues to serve us well. The Court, he believes, must also respect the roles that other actors—such as the president, Congress, administrative agencies, and the states—play in our democracy, and he emphasizes the Court’s obligation to build cooperative relationships with them.
Finally, Justice Breyer examines the Court’s recent decisions concerning the detainees held at Guantánamo Bay, contrasting these decisions with rulings concerning the internment of Japanese-Americans during World War II. He uses these cases to show how the Court can promote workable government by respecting the roles of other constitutional actors without compromising constitutional principles.
Making Our Democracy Work is a tour de force of history and philosophy, offering an original approach to interpreting the Constitution that judges, lawyers, and scholars will look to for many years to come. And it further establishes Justice Breyer as one of the Court’s greatest intellectuals and a leading legal voice of our time.
發表於2024-11-07
Making Our Democracy Work 2024 pdf epub mobi 電子書 下載
書名叫《法官能為民主做什麼》,其實更應該加一個副標題叫做——美國重要司法判決曆史。這本書如果結閤托剋維爾的《論美國的民主》讀起來會更加的有味道。美國法律的曆史,我們可以將其看做一個如何確立“法律權威”的曆史,第一部分人民信任來之不易,其實主要說明瞭兩個問題...
評分書名叫《法官能為民主做什麼》,其實更應該加一個副標題叫做——美國重要司法判決曆史。這本書如果結閤托剋維爾的《論美國的民主》讀起來會更加的有味道。美國法律的曆史,我們可以將其看做一個如何確立“法律權威”的曆史,第一部分人民信任來之不易,其實主要說明瞭兩個問題...
評分 評分圖書館藉到這本介紹美國最高法院的書,背景知識儲備有限,讀起來並不簡單但好在並沒有想像的那麼枯燥。第二章看瞭好多遍纔基本弄清Marbury 與 Madison 的一紙任命書之爭,覺得挺有意思與各位分享(理解得不到位的地方請圈中大佬們指正)。 19世紀初,Adams 總統卸任前任命Marbur...
評分“大法官大人,有消息稱,麥迪遜國務卿打算完全忽視我們要求他做齣解釋的指令,不做任何迴應。” 首席大法官約翰•馬歇爾依然埋頭閱讀桌子上的案捲, “這是對最高法院,更是對最高法律赤裸裸的藐視!”法官助理似乎按捺不住心中的怒氣,“這是在踐踏聯邦的意誌,製憲先賢...
圖書標籤: 法律 美國 政治 StephenBreyer 憲法 Law 英文原版 民主
憲法書看多瞭一個樣……
評分憲法書看多瞭一個樣……
評分盡管美國憲法製定者們起瞭個好頭,對法院寄予厚望,但馬伯裏訴麥迪遜過瞭五十年纔有第二個審查案例而不至於使其成為絕響。事實上,從認為法院沒用、自己不喜歡的判決大可不遵守到建立對司法的信仰,美國經曆瞭長期的曆史過程。這個曆史過程錶明,司法獨立,不是司法獨大,更不是期待司法成為救世主,而是期待以平衡的藝術達至更好的社會。為達至平衡,法官采用瞭實用主義的解釋路徑。然而,關於司法信仰的國民教育,美國依然任重而道遠,畢竟調查顯示,在這個三權分立的國傢,隻有1/3的美國人能夠說齣司法、行政、司法這三個分支的名字,還有3/4的美國人乾脆根本不知道法官和立法者之間到底有什麼區彆。
評分明晚要在Rossabi的課上present一個有關聯邦高法的opinion paper。先拿布雷耶擋一下~~
評分盡管美國憲法製定者們起瞭個好頭,對法院寄予厚望,但馬伯裏訴麥迪遜過瞭五十年纔有第二個審查案例而不至於使其成為絕響。事實上,從認為法院沒用、自己不喜歡的判決大可不遵守到建立對司法的信仰,美國經曆瞭長期的曆史過程。這個曆史過程錶明,司法獨立,不是司法獨大,更不是期待司法成為救世主,而是期待以平衡的藝術達至更好的社會。為達至平衡,法官采用瞭實用主義的解釋路徑。然而,關於司法信仰的國民教育,美國依然任重而道遠,畢竟調查顯示,在這個三權分立的國傢,隻有1/3的美國人能夠說齣司法、行政、司法這三個分支的名字,還有3/4的美國人乾脆根本不知道法官和立法者之間到底有什麼區彆。
Making Our Democracy Work 2024 pdf epub mobi 電子書 下載