Diana Fu is Assistant Professor of Asian Politics at the University of Toronto. This book builds upon her dissertation research at the University of Oxford where she studied as a Rhodes Scholar. Previously, she was a Walter H. Shorenstein Postdoctoral Fellow at Stanford University, California and a pre-doctoral fellow at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Her research has been supported by the Harold Hyam Wingate Foundation, the Chiang Ching Kuo Foundation, and the Rhodes Trust. Her academic articles have been published in Comparative Political Studies, Governance, and Modern China, among others. Her writing and research have appeared in The Economist, Foreign Affairs, The Washington Post, The Boston Review, PostGlobal, and Nicholas Kristof's 'On the Ground' Blog for The New York Times.
发表于2025-02-02
Mobilizing without the Masses 2025 pdf epub mobi 电子书
图书标签: 政治学 社会运动 社会学 海外中国研究 威权主义 比较政治 政治社会学 politics
When advocacy organizations are forbidden from rallying people to take to the streets, what do they do? When activists are detained for coordinating protests, are their hands ultimately tied? Based on political ethnography inside both legal and blacklisted labor organizations in China, this book reveals how state repression is deployed on the ground and to what effect on mobilization. It presents a novel dynamic of civil society contention - mobilizing without the masses - that lowers the risk of activism under duress. Instead of facilitating collective action, activists coach the aggrieved to challenge authorities one by one. In doing so, they lower the risks of organizing while empowering the weak. This dynamic represents a third pathway of contention that challenges conventional understandings of mobilization in an illiberal state. It takes readers inside the world of underground labor organizing and opens the black box of repression inside the world's most powerful authoritarian state.
在过去的某一段时间里,劳工机构在帮助工人维权、培养工人意识、在公共领域为工人发声这些方面所取得的成就都是不容抹杀的。但劳工机构与更广范围内的工人集体行动一直没能很好地结合,即使在巅峰状态,两者也最多是若即若离的关系。这是这场“运动”的局限性。威权体制本身不能用来解释这种局限性。因为威权并不必然压制大众层面的运动。所以,中国的情况为什么是现在这样,是经济结构的原因,还是国家控制有方,还是运动者本身采取的策略有问题,这是非常值得分析的。而作者编出了一个“没有大众的动员”的概念,就完美地绕过了这些本来最值得追问的问题。她的意思说白了就是:虽然你管得严,但我们也还是稍微能闹一下的。但劳工问题当中有多少是靠这么稍微闹一下能解决的,又有多少是需要深层次的动员和体制改革?缺乏反思的作品。不灵的。
评分在过去的某一段时间里,劳工机构在帮助工人维权、培养工人意识、在公共领域为工人发声这些方面所取得的成就都是不容抹杀的。但劳工机构与更广范围内的工人集体行动一直没能很好地结合,即使在巅峰状态,两者也最多是若即若离的关系。这是这场“运动”的局限性。威权体制本身不能用来解释这种局限性。因为威权并不必然压制大众层面的运动。所以,中国的情况为什么是现在这样,是经济结构的原因,还是国家控制有方,还是运动者本身采取的策略有问题,这是非常值得分析的。而作者编出了一个“没有大众的动员”的概念,就完美地绕过了这些本来最值得追问的问题。她的意思说白了就是:虽然你管得严,但我们也还是稍微能闹一下的。但劳工问题当中有多少是靠这么稍微闹一下能解决的,又有多少是需要深层次的动员和体制改革?缺乏反思的作品。不灵的。
评分正如标题讲的Mobilizing without Masses需要完成Mobilization和without masses两个任务。Diana可以在写作中对casing和framing的利用,来插入organizations在state-individual relationship的作用,全篇其实还是在讲dynamic interaction这个经典话题,只不过有state给予的条件,又有individuals的需求,所以有一个新的theoretical contribution,即处于collective action 和the weapon of weak中间的灰色地带。参看Diana的publications,她更熟练的是state and civil society而非微观组织。
评分和the pedagogy of the oppressed放一起看,棒
评分正如标题讲的Mobilizing without Masses需要完成Mobilization和without masses两个任务。Diana可以在写作中对casing和framing的利用,来插入organizations在state-individual relationship的作用,全篇其实还是在讲dynamic interaction这个经典话题,只不过有state给予的条件,又有individuals的需求,所以有一个新的theoretical contribution,即处于collective action 和the weapon of weak中间的灰色地带。参看Diana的publications,她更熟练的是state and civil society而非微观组织。
Mobilizing without the Masses 2025 pdf epub mobi 电子书