Mauss was born in Epinal to a Jewish family, and studied philosophy at Bordeaux, where Émile Durkheim was teaching at the time and agregated in 1893. Instead of taking the usual route of teaching at a lycée, however, Mauss moved to Paris and took up the study of comparative religion and the Sanskrit language. His first publication in 1896 marked the beginning of a prolific career that would produce several landmarks in the sociological literature.
Like many members of Année Sociologique Mauss was attracted to socialism, particularly that espoused by Jean Jaurès. He was particularly active in the events of the Dreyfus affair and towards the end of the century he helped edit such left-wing papers as le Populaire, l'Humanité and le Mouvement Socialiste, the last in collaboration with Georges Sorel.
Mauss took up a chair in the 'history of religion and uncivilized peoples' at the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes in 1901. It was at this time that he began drawing more and more on ethnography, and his work began increasingly to look like what we would today call anthropology.
The years of World War I were absolutely devastating for Mauss. Many of his friends and colleagues died in the war, and Durkheim died shortly before its end. The postwar years were also difficult politically for Mauss. Durkheim had made changes to school curriculums across France, and after his death a backlash against his students began. Like many other followers of Durkheim, Mauss took refuge in administration, securing Durkheim's legacy by founding institutions such as l'Institut Français de Sociologie (1924) and l'Institut d'Ethnologie in 1926. In 1931 he took up the chair of Sociology at the Collège de France. He actively fought against anti-semitism and racial politics both before and after World War II. He died in 1950.
In this classic work, Mauss argued that gifts are never "free". Rather, human history is full of examples that gifts give rise to reciprocal exchange. The famous question that drove his inquiry into the anthropology of the gift was: "What power resides in the object given that causes its recipient to pay it back?" (1990:3). The answer is simple: the gift is a "total prestation", imbued with "spiritual mechanisms", engaging the honour of both giver and receiver (the term "total prestation" or "total social fact" (fait social total) was coined by his student Maurice Leenhardt after Durkheim's social fact). Such transactions transcend the divisions between the spiritual and the material in a way that according to Mauss is almost "magical". The giver does not merely give an object but also part of himself, for the object is indissolubly tied to the giver: "the objects are never completely separated from the men who exchange them" (1990:31). Because of this bond between giver and gift, the act of giving creates a social bond with an obligation to reciprocate on part of the recipient. To not reciprocate means to lose honour and status, but the spiritual implications can be even worse: in Polynesia, failure to reciprocate means to lose mana, one's spiritual source of authority and wealth. Mauss distinguished between three obligations: giving - the necessary initial step for the creation and maintenance of social relationships; receiving, for to refuse to receive is to reject the social bond; and reciprocating in order to demonstrate one's own liberality, honour and wealth.
An important notion in Mauss' conceptualisation of gift exchange is what Gregory (1982, 1997) refers to as "inalienability". In a commodity economy there is a strong distinction between objects and persons through the notion of private property. Objects are sold, meaning that the ownership rights are fully transferred to the new owner. The object has thereby become "alienated" from its original owner. In a gift economy, however, the objects that are given are inalienated from the givers; they are "loaned rather than sold and ceded". It is the fact that the identity of the giver is invariably bound up with the object given that causes the gift to have a power which compels the recipient to reciprocate. Because gifts are inalienable they must be returned; the act of giving creates a gift-debt that has to be repaid. Gift exchange therefore leads to a mutual interdependence between giver and receiver. According to Mauss, the "free" gift that is not returned is a contradiction because it cannot create social ties. Following the Durkheimian quest for understanding social cohesion through the concept of solidarity, Mauss's argument is that solidarity is achieved through the social bonds created by gift exchange.
發表於2024-11-26
The gift 2024 pdf epub mobi 電子書 下載
——緻 Beth Liu。 我一直感性地認為,人類學是一門深具女性氣質的學問,因為她的浪漫情懷。我對田野調查有一種天真的想象,感覺做田野工作仿佛是一隻腳跨到瞭另一條平行的河流,盡管萬物皆流,但彼此的水速又不同,但流嚮可能是相同的。尤其是在研究先民社會的時候,人類學...
評分女人之間贈送禮物的習俗大概從小學就開始瞭,懂竅門的男人自然也會送女人禮物,好像很少聽到哪個男人說哎呀我哥們兒快過生日瞭我送什麼禮物好呢,男人之間可能今天釣到一條魚說你拿一條去吃,明天得瞭一瓶好酒說你拿去喝,便不像女人這麼程式化地互贈禮物。 但是人人...
評分——緻 Beth Liu。 我一直感性地認為,人類學是一門深具女性氣質的學問,因為她的浪漫情懷。我對田野調查有一種天真的想象,感覺做田野工作仿佛是一隻腳跨到瞭另一條平行的河流,盡管萬物皆流,但彼此的水速又不同,但流嚮可能是相同的。尤其是在研究先民社會的時候,人類學...
評分女人之間贈送禮物的習俗大概從小學就開始瞭,懂竅門的男人自然也會送女人禮物,好像很少聽到哪個男人說哎呀我哥們兒快過生日瞭我送什麼禮物好呢,男人之間可能今天釣到一條魚說你拿一條去吃,明天得瞭一瓶好酒說你拿去喝,便不像女人這麼程式化地互贈禮物。 但是人人...
評分錢鍾書先生在《管錐編》中進行瞭一種融貫中西的嘗試:通過豐澹的徵引,並舉東西方文化的相近之處。且不論這樣的方法是否能得齣嚴謹的學術結論,至少,就資料性而言,《管錐編》是錢鍾書先生呈獻給後世學人的珍貴禮物。關於禮物這個話題,他在對《毛詩正義》“木瓜”篇的考察中...
圖書標籤: anthropology Mauss Gift 社會學/人類學 原版 classic Society 莫斯
看到結尾又一番對人類美好未來的憧憬,可惜這1967年到現在都過去40多年瞭,人類的境況並不因莫斯你的分析和呼喚而有絲毫變好,反而越來越糟瞭。這不免讓我産生對學術效力的再次懷疑。。莫斯你泉下也彆傷心瞭。
評分人類學經典名著,專業必讀
評分看到結尾又一番對人類美好未來的憧憬,可惜這1967年到現在都過去40多年瞭,人類的境況並不因莫斯你的分析和呼喚而有絲毫變好,反而越來越糟瞭。這不免讓我産生對學術效力的再次懷疑。。莫斯你泉下也彆傷心瞭。
評分非常有意思,雖然是armchair的典型,但Mauss能用gift exchange解釋整個社會結構乃至哲學意義上社會的産生與發展真是有夠強的
評分看到結尾又一番對人類美好未來的憧憬,可惜這1967年到現在都過去40多年瞭,人類的境況並不因莫斯你的分析和呼喚而有絲毫變好,反而越來越糟瞭。這不免讓我産生對學術效力的再次懷疑。。莫斯你泉下也彆傷心瞭。
The gift 2024 pdf epub mobi 電子書 下載