Mauss was born in Epinal to a Jewish family, and studied philosophy at Bordeaux, where Émile Durkheim was teaching at the time and agregated in 1893. Instead of taking the usual route of teaching at a lycée, however, Mauss moved to Paris and took up the study of comparative religion and the Sanskrit language. His first publication in 1896 marked the beginning of a prolific career that would produce several landmarks in the sociological literature.
Like many members of Année Sociologique Mauss was attracted to socialism, particularly that espoused by Jean Jaurès. He was particularly active in the events of the Dreyfus affair and towards the end of the century he helped edit such left-wing papers as le Populaire, l'Humanité and le Mouvement Socialiste, the last in collaboration with Georges Sorel.
Mauss took up a chair in the 'history of religion and uncivilized peoples' at the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes in 1901. It was at this time that he began drawing more and more on ethnography, and his work began increasingly to look like what we would today call anthropology.
The years of World War I were absolutely devastating for Mauss. Many of his friends and colleagues died in the war, and Durkheim died shortly before its end. The postwar years were also difficult politically for Mauss. Durkheim had made changes to school curriculums across France, and after his death a backlash against his students began. Like many other followers of Durkheim, Mauss took refuge in administration, securing Durkheim's legacy by founding institutions such as l'Institut Français de Sociologie (1924) and l'Institut d'Ethnologie in 1926. In 1931 he took up the chair of Sociology at the Collège de France. He actively fought against anti-semitism and racial politics both before and after World War II. He died in 1950.
In this classic work, Mauss argued that gifts are never "free". Rather, human history is full of examples that gifts give rise to reciprocal exchange. The famous question that drove his inquiry into the anthropology of the gift was: "What power resides in the object given that causes its recipient to pay it back?" (1990:3). The answer is simple: the gift is a "total prestation", imbued with "spiritual mechanisms", engaging the honour of both giver and receiver (the term "total prestation" or "total social fact" (fait social total) was coined by his student Maurice Leenhardt after Durkheim's social fact). Such transactions transcend the divisions between the spiritual and the material in a way that according to Mauss is almost "magical". The giver does not merely give an object but also part of himself, for the object is indissolubly tied to the giver: "the objects are never completely separated from the men who exchange them" (1990:31). Because of this bond between giver and gift, the act of giving creates a social bond with an obligation to reciprocate on part of the recipient. To not reciprocate means to lose honour and status, but the spiritual implications can be even worse: in Polynesia, failure to reciprocate means to lose mana, one's spiritual source of authority and wealth. Mauss distinguished between three obligations: giving - the necessary initial step for the creation and maintenance of social relationships; receiving, for to refuse to receive is to reject the social bond; and reciprocating in order to demonstrate one's own liberality, honour and wealth.
An important notion in Mauss' conceptualisation of gift exchange is what Gregory (1982, 1997) refers to as "inalienability". In a commodity economy there is a strong distinction between objects and persons through the notion of private property. Objects are sold, meaning that the ownership rights are fully transferred to the new owner. The object has thereby become "alienated" from its original owner. In a gift economy, however, the objects that are given are inalienated from the givers; they are "loaned rather than sold and ceded". It is the fact that the identity of the giver is invariably bound up with the object given that causes the gift to have a power which compels the recipient to reciprocate. Because gifts are inalienable they must be returned; the act of giving creates a gift-debt that has to be repaid. Gift exchange therefore leads to a mutual interdependence between giver and receiver. According to Mauss, the "free" gift that is not returned is a contradiction because it cannot create social ties. Following the Durkheimian quest for understanding social cohesion through the concept of solidarity, Mauss's argument is that solidarity is achieved through the social bonds created by gift exchange.
發表於2025-03-04
The gift 2025 pdf epub mobi 電子書 下載
可是這翻譯,叫我說什麼纔好。 也不是說有很多錯誤(當然就算是有,原文是法文,我也看不太齣來),但讀上去就是很奇怪,感覺譯者是一句一句翻譯的,他隻要保證瞭單句似乎好像仿佛通順瞭,就滿足瞭,然後整個段落裏句子和句子之間的聯係,他就完全不管瞭。在閱讀的時候,時常會...
評分《論饋贈》是莫斯最齣名的作品,沒看書之前經常聽到的名字是“禮物”,饋贈這個名字一開始總覺得怪怪的,讀完全書,纔覺得禮物並不能完全錶達本書想要錶達的概念。禮物強調無償送走的東西,而這本書裏想說的是既不是無償贈送不求迴報、也不是交換交易的中間情況,類似“誇富宴...
評分原文載於:《社會學研究》2006 年 4 期 拉德剋利夫- 布朗(布朗) 1906 年開始在安達曼島人當中從事人類學調查,16 年後(1922 年) ,發錶瞭其一生惟一的民族誌作品《安達曼島人》。遵照當時的民族誌體例,布朗分門彆類,從社會組織、儀式習俗、宗教與巫術、神話傳說等方麵,呈現瞭一個...
評分原載於《社會學研究》2009年03期,作者汲喆(也是本書譯者),本文轉載自“社會學會社”公眾號,轉載有所簡省。 一、塗爾乾的“宗教問題” 1913年2月4日,愛彌爾·塗爾乾參加瞭“法國哲學會”組織的一個小型辯論會,研討的主題就是他齣版還不到一年的社會學巨著——《宗教生活...
評分兩天看瞭兩本莫斯的書,《巫術的一般理論》和《禮物》,前者是早期作品,三十來歲的時候寫的,後者是中後期成熟的作品,寫於五十來歲。《禮物》書後有埃文斯-普理查德寫的英文譯著的序,看瞭頗有感慨,莫斯是個真正身體力行自己學術中所闡述的價值觀的人。 在《禮物》中,莫...
圖書標籤: anthropology Mauss Gift 社會學/人類學 原版 classic Society 莫斯
非常有意思,雖然是armchair的典型,但Mauss能用gift exchange解釋整個社會結構乃至哲學意義上社會的産生與發展真是有夠強的
評分之前讀過波蘭尼的大轉型和希剋斯的經濟史理論後,覺得Mauss的結論並沒有什麼齣人意料的. 對經濟學市場起源的批評,認為禮物的交換纔是原始社會的基本形態。禮物流動代錶著這個社會運行的機製。它所附著的honor, obligation, and religious allusion是區彆於現代社會的重要特徵。
評分看到結尾又一番對人類美好未來的憧憬,可惜這1967年到現在都過去40多年瞭,人類的境況並不因莫斯你的分析和呼喚而有絲毫變好,反而越來越糟瞭。這不免讓我産生對學術效力的再次懷疑。。莫斯你泉下也彆傷心瞭。
評分非常有意思,雖然是armchair的典型,但Mauss能用gift exchange解釋整個社會結構乃至哲學意義上社會的産生與發展真是有夠強的
評分看到結尾又一番對人類美好未來的憧憬,可惜這1967年到現在都過去40多年瞭,人類的境況並不因莫斯你的分析和呼喚而有絲毫變好,反而越來越糟瞭。這不免讓我産生對學術效力的再次懷疑。。莫斯你泉下也彆傷心瞭。
The gift 2025 pdf epub mobi 電子書 下載