Barry Eichengreen is Professor of Economics and Political Science at the University of California, Berkeley. His previous books include Exorbitant Privilege: The Rise and Fall of the Dollar and the Future of the International Monetary System and Golden Fetters: The Gold Standard and the Great Depression, 1919-1939.
Populism of the right and left has spread like wildfire throughout the world. The impulse reached its apogee in the United States with the election of Trump, but it was a force in Europe ever since the Great Recession sent the European economy into a prolonged tailspin. In the simplest terms, populism is a political ideology that vilifies economic and political elites and instead lionizes 'the people.' The people, populists of all stripes contend, need to retake power from the unaccountable elites who have left them powerless. And typically, populists' distrust of elites shades into a catchall distrust of trained experts because of their perceived distance from and contempt for 'the people.' Another signature element of populist movements is faith in a savior who can not only speak directly to the people, but also serve as a vessel for the plain people's hopes and dreams. Going back to the 1890s, a series of such saviors have come and gone in the US alone, from William Jennings Bryan to Huey Long to--finally--Donald Trump.
In The Populist Temptation, the eminent economic historian Barry Eichengreen focuses on the global resurgence of populism today and places it in a deep context. Alternating between the present and earlier populist waves from modern history, he argues that populists tend to thrive most in the wake of economic downturns, when it is easy to convince the masses of elite malfeasance. Yet while there is more than a grain of truth that bankers, financiers, and 'bought' politicians are responsible for the mess, populists' own solutions tend to be simplistic and economically counterproductive. Moreover, by arguing that the ordinary people are at the mercy of extra-national forces beyond their control--international capital, immigrants, cosmopolitan globalists--populists often degenerate into demagoguery and xenophobia. There is no one solution to addressing the concerns that populists raise, but Eichengreen argues that there is an obvious place to start: shoring up and improving the welfare state so that it is better able to act as a buffer for those who suffer most during economic slumps. For example, America's patchwork welfare state was not well equipped to deal with the economic fallout that attended globalization and the decline of manufacturing in America, and that played no small part in Trump's victory. Lucidly explaining both the appeals and dangers of populism across history, this book is essential reading for anyone seeking to understand not just the populist phenomenon, but more generally the lasting political fallout that follows in the wake of major economic crises.
發表於2024-12-26
The Populist Temptation 2024 pdf epub mobi 電子書 下載
2008年金融危機發生後,以反精英、反全球化為特徵的民粹主義像野火一樣在全球範圍蔓延,從2011年“占領華爾街”運動到2016年英國全民公投脫歐、毫無執政經驗的商人特朗普擊敗傳統政治精英的代錶希拉裏當選美國總統,再到2018年的今天,歐盟三駕馬車“英法德”的政壇均齣現瞭民...
評分2008年金融危機發生後,以反精英、反全球化為特徵的民粹主義像野火一樣在全球範圍蔓延,從2011年“占領華爾街”運動到2016年英國全民公投脫歐、毫無執政經驗的商人特朗普擊敗傳統政治精英的代錶希拉裏當選美國總統,再到2018年的今天,歐盟三駕馬車“英法德”的政壇均齣現瞭民...
評分2008年金融危機發生後,以反精英、反全球化為特徵的民粹主義像野火一樣在全球範圍蔓延,從2011年“占領華爾街”運動到2016年英國全民公投脫歐、毫無執政經驗的商人特朗普擊敗傳統政治精英的代錶希拉裏當選美國總統,再到2018年的今天,歐盟三駕馬車“英法德”的政壇均齣現瞭民...
評分2008年金融危機發生後,以反精英、反全球化為特徵的民粹主義像野火一樣在全球範圍蔓延,從2011年“占領華爾街”運動到2016年英國全民公投脫歐、毫無執政經驗的商人特朗普擊敗傳統政治精英的代錶希拉裏當選美國總統,再到2018年的今天,歐盟三駕馬車“英法德”的政壇均齣現瞭民...
評分2008年金融危機發生後,以反精英、反全球化為特徵的民粹主義像野火一樣在全球範圍蔓延,從2011年“占領華爾街”運動到2016年英國全民公投脫歐、毫無執政經驗的商人特朗普擊敗傳統政治精英的代錶希拉裏當選美國總統,再到2018年的今天,歐盟三駕馬車“英法德”的政壇均齣現瞭民...
圖書標籤: 民粹主義 民粹 政治經濟學 美國 經濟學
前60%的曆史分析看得津津有味各種學習,後麵討論當前局勢的分析各種措施可行性的部分就幾乎一目十行瞭。Politics……微笑攤手~~~
評分近十年在歐美齣現的右翼政黨執政和在拉美齣現的左翼政黨執政的民粹主義現象實際上是對上世紀八十年代以來的自由化和科技革命的迴潮。在本輪迴潮中有兩個原因加劇瞭民粹主義。首先是科技發展特彆是社交媒體的發展放大瞭民粹主義政策的“剛性”,其次是工會的衰落和新自由主義的錯誤發展:多樣性、平權和非歧視等精英階級的社會進步取代瞭平等,這種情況掩蓋瞭工會被削弱、真正的製造業和中産階級受到破壞的事實,到大選時,理性的左派選擇被壓製瞭,隻能在民粹主義和新自由主義之間抉擇。
評分近十年在歐美齣現的右翼政黨執政和在拉美齣現的左翼政黨執政的民粹主義現象實際上是對上世紀八十年代以來的自由化和科技革命的迴潮。在本輪迴潮中有兩個原因加劇瞭民粹主義。首先是科技發展特彆是社交媒體的發展放大瞭民粹主義政策的“剛性”,其次是工會的衰落和新自由主義的錯誤發展:多樣性、平權和非歧視等精英階級的社會進步取代瞭平等,這種情況掩蓋瞭工會被削弱、真正的製造業和中産階級受到破壞的事實,到大選時,理性的左派選擇被壓製瞭,隻能在民粹主義和新自由主義之間抉擇。
評分近十年在歐美齣現的右翼政黨執政和在拉美齣現的左翼政黨執政的民粹主義現象實際上是對上世紀八十年代以來的自由化和科技革命的迴潮。在本輪迴潮中有兩個原因加劇瞭民粹主義。首先是科技發展特彆是社交媒體的發展放大瞭民粹主義政策的“剛性”,其次是工會的衰落和新自由主義的錯誤發展:多樣性、平權和非歧視等精英階級的社會進步取代瞭平等,這種情況掩蓋瞭工會被削弱、真正的製造業和中産階級受到破壞的事實,到大選時,理性的左派選擇被壓製瞭,隻能在民粹主義和新自由主義之間抉擇。
評分近十年在歐美齣現的右翼政黨執政和在拉美齣現的左翼政黨執政的民粹主義現象實際上是對上世紀八十年代以來的自由化和科技革命的迴潮。在本輪迴潮中有兩個原因加劇瞭民粹主義。首先是科技發展特彆是社交媒體的發展放大瞭民粹主義政策的“剛性”,其次是工會的衰落和新自由主義的錯誤發展:多樣性、平權和非歧視等精英階級的社會進步取代瞭平等,這種情況掩蓋瞭工會被削弱、真正的製造業和中産階級受到破壞的事實,到大選時,理性的左派選擇被壓製瞭,隻能在民粹主義和新自由主義之間抉擇。
The Populist Temptation 2024 pdf epub mobi 電子書 下載